There are also countries that respect these values but are geographically outside Europe. These include Canada, Mexico, New Zealand, Brazil and South Africa. I highlight this point because I often question whether Europe, as an idea based on values, should be limited by geographical frontiers. In this sense, commitment to democratic norms is the most defining aspect in a world of creeping authoritarianism where the USA is fast devolving in to a threat. In fact keeping appearances has become one of the most pathetic aspects of EU and UK foreign policy.
But what if Russia and Turkey one day embrace the values enshrined in Article 2? Then there should be no reason why they could not join if they aspired to. Of course, this exercise veers into useless speculation, although a post-Erdogan Turkey may be a less distant prospect than a "de-Putinised" Russia. And hopefully the European Union will not turn its back on the protest movement against Erdogan's attempt to criminalise the democratic and secular opposition. But the EU is also partly to blame for Turkey's descent in to autocracy. Instead of pressing for democratic reforms in return for membership, EU leaders like Sarkozy had excluded Turkey on cultural and ethnic grounds.
But there can be no doubt that Russia and Turkey are an integral part of European history and culture, just as the UK, which decided to leave, remains so. Russia has not only been a part of Europe but has shaped its intellectual, political, and cultural fabric. Can one imagine Europe without Dostoyevsky, Bulgakov, Gogol, Herzen, Tolstoy, Bakunin, Lenin, Trotsky, and Pasternak?
Moreover, an intellectual undercurrent throughout Russian history has looked towards revolutionary France for inspiration, to the extent that the band welcoming Lenin back to Russia from exile played La Marseillaise. Neither can one ignore the great contribution of the cosmopolitan Jewish diaspora: Rosa Luxemburg as born in Russian occupied Poland and moved to Germany to become one of the most prominent socialist leaders. The divide between east and west in eurpope is neither ethnic nor geographical. It is a product of history and political economy: mainly because serdom and fuedalism were abolished at an earlier stage in western europe. Even Gorbachev, the last President of the Soviet Union, constantly referred to the "common European home" in his book Perestroika. And while there is currently a stronger pull towards authoritarianism and empire, partly as a reflection of the concentration of wealth in the hands of an oligarchy, I would not be surprised if the regime were to collapse like a deck of cards in the foreseeable future. My hunch is that it will happen like a bolt from the blue. What is sure is that what triggered the Russian invasion of Ukraine was the Euromaidan revolution which repositioned this country in the European community of democracies.
But even if Russia embarks on another path, would it be too big for Europe? And would this not make a political union untenable? Still excluding them on geographical or cultural grounds would amount to a blatant act of racism. Still neither can we assume that a democratic Russia or Turkey would automatically want to join the EU even if I strongly believe that the strength of the European imaginary lies in its seductive appeal. The moment Europe loses its appeal, it will wither away and die. That is why an essential part of the European project should be the creation of a wider community of democracies—one that shares many characteristics with the European Union but offers greater flexibility to countries that, for now, may be too large to fit within the more restricted and necessarily more united EU. It is also vital that this parallel project includes democracies in the global south. For one of Europe's greatest failures, partly as a result of colonial legacy, was to reach out to countries like Brazil and South Africa. This is why Europe's weak response to war crimes, displacement and what increasingly looks as ethnic cleansing in Gaza was so disappointing. Sure I am the first to recognise that jewsishness is a central characteristic which defines European identity, but that should be even more reason to say 'Never again' irrespective of whether the crimes are committed by Hamas or Netanyahu's far right government.
The irony, however, is that while I muse about Europe, the risk is that the dream will be extinguished or turned into a nightmare. Just as Meloni and Abela are toying with changes to the European Convention on Human Rights, some may even be tempted to amend the treaties to accommodate far-right governments. Given the circumstances, it is increasingly becoming a choice between more Europe or no Europe at all.
