Neutral from the European Union?

Malta's active neutrality was conceived during the Cold War when Malta identified with the Non-Aligned Movement, an attempt by former colonies to affirm their independence from the two superpowers of the time: the United States and its allies, and the Soviet bloc. As conceived at the time, the constitutional clause precludes the use of Malta as a military base but does not preclude security guarantees. To this extent, in 1976, the Labour Party's electoral manifesto proposed that Malta enter into a four-nation guarantee for its security with Italy, France, Libya, and Algeria.

In 2004, Malta joined the European Union with two provisos: a protocol affirming that abortion remains a national prerogative and a declaration affirming Malta's constitutional neutrality. Over the next two decades, Maltese foreign policy was broadly aligned with that of the European Union, and like all member states, Malta is a signatory to the mutual defence clause in the Treaty of Lisbon, which states that "if a Member State is the victim of armed aggression on its territory, the other Member States shall have towards it an obligation of aid and assistance by all the means in their power, in accordance with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter." However, this is qualified by the proviso that it should "not prejudice the specific character of the security and defence policy of certain Member States." It remains unclear how this clause can be effectively enforced without NATO involvement. Malta remains one of three neutral countries in the European Union, alongside Austria and Ireland.

History did not stop in 2004. In fact, even then, history was unfolding when the US, with the support of the UK (then an EU member), invaded Iraq, splitting the EU into two camps: Italy, Spain, and Poland participated in the invasion, while France and Germany opposed it. While the former affirmed Atlanticist ties, the latter began asserting European autonomy. However, US defence commitments to its Western European allies were never questioned, especially following the election of Barack Obama to the White House. The first doubts began emerging during the Trump presidency, which raised questions about whether Europeans and Americans still shared a common set of values. But the election of Joe Biden and the Russian invasion of Ukraine reaffirmed the alliance. Finland and Sweden—two neutral social democracies—also opted to join NATO in response to this very real threat, a move endorsed by a wide spectrum of society in both countries.

What finally rocked the boat was the re-election of Donald Trump, JD Vance's ideological assault in a speech in Munich, and the humiliation of Zelensky in a meeting with Trump in the Oval Office. This triggered a contradictory response: on one hand, EU leaders speak of strategic autonomy, while on the other, they remain responsive to Trump's calls for EU member states to pay their NATO dues. Moreover there a also a risk that  increased military spending ends up increasing the EU's dependence on US arms exports at least in the short term.  This raises the question: Will increased military spending strengthen or weaken Europe's political autonomy? And how advisable is it to enhance military cooperation and spending in the absence of a federal structure of government that can subject defence structures to democratic scrutiny?  In short, can there be a defence union without a political union? Can one put the cart before the horse?

That said, with Russia and the USA actively seeking to weaken the EU, the writing is on the wall: Europe can only survive as an autonomous bloc if it affirms its political unity. And any political unity must be based on a common set of democratic values—values that are actively being challenged from within. This challenge raises the most pertinent question about the desirability of militarisation: what happens if this power falls into the hands of a victorious internal enemy? It is also worth noting that to defeat this internal enemy, the EU must boost its social and infrastructural spending. While Europe needs to defend itself from an aggressive neighbour, all will be in vain if Europe falls into the hands of authoritarians, some of whom are already dictating the tune of EU policy.  The risk is that this militaristic drift will end up undermining the very values we are supposed to be defending.  So while I welcome any relaxation of deficit rules,  a balancing act is needed between military and social needs.  Any debt break needs to include provisions for increased spending on climate change, infrastructure and social welfare.  For to win the ideological war democrats must have the tools to invest in welfare, health, education and general well being.   

And where does Malta fit into all this? Let's face it: Malta is no military power and is under no significant pressure to contribute to the EU's military needs. What I find troubling is the affirmation of our neutrality as a way of asserting independence not from NATO, the USA, or Russia, but from the EU itself, of which we are a member. Moreover, history will not wait for us. Europe faces a choice between democratic federalism and a relapse into aggressive nation-states, torn apart by external powers. What concerns me is not our military neutrality but the discourse in which it is sometimes framed—for example, the Prime Minister's failure to express solidarity with Ukraine following the humiliation of its leader in the Oval Office. In the end, we can remain militarily neutral, but we must also be clear about where we stand in the divide between autocracies and democracies. Yes, we should also call out the gross hypocrisy on Gaza, but the most effective way to do so is by joining other EU member states that have given full recognition to the state of Palestine.   In this sense we should be active participants in the conservation not just as a nation but also as EU citizens.  For ultimately the future of the EU depends on the emergence of a new polity of citizens whose concerns are not limited to the narrow interests of the individual nation states.